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Annually disclose direct and indirect lobbying 2016

Whereas, we believe in full disclosure of our company’s direct and indirect lobbying activities and expenditures to assess whether our company’s lobbying is consistent with Chevron’s expressed goals and in the best interests of shareholders.
Resolved, the stockholders of Chevron Corp. (“Chevron”) request the preparation of a report, updated annually, disclosing:
1.   Company policy and procedures governing lobbying, both direct and indirect, and grassroots lobbying communications.
  1. Payments by Chevron used for (a) direct or indirect lobbying or (b) grassroots lobbying communications, in each case including the amount of the payment and the recipient.
  2. Chevron’s membership in and payments to any tax-exempt organization that writes and endorses model legislation.
  3. Description of management’s and the Board’s decision making process and oversight for making payments described in sections 2 and 3 above.
For purposes of this proposal, a “grassroots lobbying communication” is a communication directed to the general public that (a) refers to specific legislation or regulation, (b) reflects a view on the legislation or regulation and (c) encourages the recipient of the communication to take action with respect to the legislation or regulation. “Indirect lobbying” is lobbying engaged in by a trade association or other organization of which Chevron is a member.
Both “direct and indirect lobbying” and “grassroots lobbying communications” include efforts at the local, state and federal levels.
The report shall be presented to the Audit Committee or other relevant oversight committees and posted on Chevron’s website. 
Supporting Statement
            As stockholders, we encourage transparency and accountability in Chevron’s use of corporate funds to influence legislation and regulation. Chevron spent $18.81 million in 2013 and 2014 on federal lobbying ( These figures do not include lobbying expenditures to influence legislation in states, where Chevron also lobbies but disclosure is uneven or absent. For example, Chevron spent over $4.3 million lobbying in California for 2014 ( Chevron’s lobbying against EPA greenhouse gas regulations has attracted media attention (“Half a Billion Dollars Gets You a Gentler Climate Plan,” Bloomberg, Aug. 5, 2015), as has its lobbying on California’s greenhouse gas reduction bill (“Lobbyists Pile on Greenhouse-gas Reduction Bill,” Sacramento Bee, Aug. 28, 2015).
            In 2014, Chevron made a $1,000,000 political contribution to the Chamber of Commerce, which has spent more than $1 billion on lobbying since 1998. Chevron is also listed as a member of the American Petroleum Institute, Business Roundtable and Western States Petroleum Association. Chevron does not disclose its memberships in, or payments to, trade associations, or the portions of such amounts used for lobbying.
And Chevron does not disclose membership in or contributions to tax-exempt organizations that write and endorse model legislation, such as being a member of the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC). Chevron’s ALEC membership has drawn press scrutiny (“Fossil Fuel Firms Are Still Bankrolling Climate Denial Lobby Groups,” The Guardian, Mar. 25, 2015). More than 100 companies have publicly left ALEC, including peers BP, ConocoPhillips, Occidental Petroleum and Shell.